{"id":9575,"date":"2025-08-08T11:23:40","date_gmt":"2025-08-08T09:23:40","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/austausch.org\/?p=9575"},"modified":"2025-08-12T16:21:30","modified_gmt":"2025-08-12T14:21:30","slug":"glafira-zhuk-on-protests-repression-and-the-future-of-belarus","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/austausch.org\/en\/2025\/08\/08\/glafira-zhuk-on-protests-repression-and-the-future-of-belarus\/","title":{"rendered":"\u201c2020 Was an Explosion of Pent-Up Anger\u201d: Journalist Glafira Zhuk on Protests, Repression, and the Future of Belarus"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

In August 2020, Belarus was swept by the largest protests in the country\u2019s history. Millions took to the streets to voice their anger over the rigged elections and decades of authoritarian rule by Aliaksandr\u00a0Lukashenka. Belarusian journalist Glafira Zhuk explains why 2020 became a turning point, how people protested, and what lies ahead for Belarus.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2014 Can you describe how the protest movement developed in Belarus before these events? Lukashenko\u2019s regime has been in place for over 30 years.<\/strong>
<\/strong> \u2014 I only joined in 2020 \u2013 because of my age, I was 19 years old then. But of course, protests in Belarus existed before that. They\u2019ve accompanied Lukashenko\u2019s rule since 1994. There were mass demonstrations in the 1990s, especially after the 1996 referendum that consolidated power in his hands. In the 2000s, protests intensified amid the disappearances of opposition politicians and brutal crackdowns. Every presidential election \u2013 2001, 2006, 2010, 2015 \u2013 sparked new waves of dissent. People came out not just because of election fraud, but also for social reasons \u2013 one vivid example is the 2017 mass protests against the \u201cparasite tax,\u201d which affected tens of thousands.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The discontent leading up to 2020 was also intensified by the COVID-19 situation. The authorities ignored the pandemic: Lukashenko publicly denied its seriousness, advised people to \u201ctreat it with a tractor,\u201d didn\u2019t impose lockdowns, and essentially shifted responsibility onto citizens. This caused outrage and shock \u2013 especially as society self-organized: people raised funds for doctors and coordinated hospital aid. This experience of solidarity laid the groundwork for the mass protests of summer 2020. What happened then wasn\u2019t a sudden outburst \u2013 it was the culmination of long-standing struggle and internal readiness for change.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2014 Why was 2020 the breaking point? What caused such a massive eruption of anger?<\/strong>
<\/strong> \u2014 Several factors converged: decades of growing dissatisfaction with the regime, a grotesquely rigged election, unprecedented violence by the security forces, and a crisis of trust in the authorities during the pandemic. People felt they simply couldn\u2019t endure any longer. So they came out \u2013 and they came out en masse.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2014 Where were you on election day, August 9\u201310? What did you see?<\/strong>
<\/strong> \u2014 I was downtown in Minsk. I saw everything with my own eyes \u2013 how peaceful people took to the streets and how brutally they were dispersed. Those were terrifying nights, full of violence by the security forces \u2013\u00a0and immense solidarity among Belarusians. I myself spent 30 days in Akrestina prison.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"
Glafira Zhuk. Photo: Ruslan Seredyuk<\/em><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cAll security forces were focused solely on repression\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n


<\/strong> \u2014 What happened after the protests were suppressed? How did the repressions unfold?
<\/strong> \u2014 The repressions have continued for the entire five years since. Starting around 2021, a full-blown repression machine was set in motion. A former security officer told me later that all law enforcement agencies focused exclusively on political cases. Crimes, drug trafficking, mafia \u2013 these were pushed to the background. The only priority was \u201cpolitical cases.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Political prisoners began to appear, sentenced to monstrous terms. Independent media were destroyed. Around 500,000 Belarusians left the country \u2013 but I believe that number is even higher. Then came the war in Ukraine, and even in 2022, despite the danger, people still tried to protest. Some tried to stop military trains carrying Russian equipment \u2013 they received 15\u201320-year sentences.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As of now, there are around 1,200 political prisoners in Belarus, out of a population of 9 million. And that\u2019s only the cases we know about. To compare, in the USSR in 1989, there were 5 political prisoners per 1 million people, in a population of over 286 million. Belarus exceeds that.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cLukashenko releases some, but imprisons others\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n


<\/strong> \u2014 Lukashenko has started releasing political prisoners. Is this a genuine gesture?
<\/strong> \u2014 Not at all. Most are released under pardon from so-called \u201chumanitarian lists\u201d \u2013 those who are seriously ill, near the end of their sentence, or citizens of the EU or US. It\u2019s a PR move: \u201cLook, I\u2019m releasing people.\u201d But he releases 10 and arrests 15 more. The repression has not stopped, and it\u2019s crucial to keep talking about it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2014 Is it true that there are now commissions supposedly allowing emigrants to return?<\/strong>
<\/strong> \u2014 Yes, the authorities created such a commission. A person writes a letter of repentance \u2013 allegedly they can return. But there are no guarantees you won\u2019t be arrested.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cPeople are jailed for likes and reposts\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n


<\/strong> \u2014 Say someone took part in the protests and wants to return. Can they be sure they\u2019ll be safe?
<\/strong> \u2014 No one can know. In Belarus today, you can get a prison sentence for a like, comment, or repost of a post by an independent outlet\u2014they\u2019ve all been labeled extremist. At the border, they check your phone, social media, interrogate you.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2014 What about Belarusians abroad? Are consulates working?<\/strong>
<\/strong> \u2014 At the end of 2023, Lukashenko signed a decree banning Belarusian consulates abroad from performing their basic duties \u2013 issuing passports. You can\u2019t renew a passport, get a certificate, power of attorney, or any official document. All of that now requires going to Belarus in person. People with expiring passports are left in limbo. Some went back to get documents \u2013 and were detained. Many are forced to live without valid papers. Some apply for travel documents \u2013 temporary ID cards valid in the EU. Others seek asylum, but that\u2019s a long and difficult process. There was an idea to create a \u201cNew Belarus\u201d passport \u2013 it has been created, but its recognition by other countries remains unresolved.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cI\u2019m on an interstate wanted list\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n


<\/strong> \u2014 Often, a certificate of no criminal record is required. But most Belarusian refugees have political convictions.
<\/strong> \u2014 Yes, that\u2019s a real issue. But over time, many organizations that require such certificates have started to understand our situation and no longer insist on them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2014 You mentioned that you\u2019re on an interstate wanted list?<\/strong>
<\/strong> \u2014 Yes, I am. In 2024, a criminal case was opened against me \u2013 I don\u2019t know the charges. This year I was placed on an interstate wanted list. I can\u2019t travel to countries that have extradition agreements with Belarus.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cLukashenko is Putin\u2019s vassal\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n


<\/strong> \u2014 Some opposition figures describe Belarus as occupied by Russia. What\u2019s your view?
<\/strong> \u2014 Legally, Belarus isn\u2019t under occupation \u2013 there are no internationally recognized signs of military occupation like in Crimea or Donbas. But in reality, Lukashenko\u2019s regime increasingly depends on the Kremlin \u2013 economically, politically, in media and military terms. Since the 2020 protests and especially after the 2022 war in Ukraine, Lukashenko has become de facto Putin\u2019s vassal. So the term \u201coccupation\u201d is more of a political metaphor that reflects a real sense of external control.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2014 Is there a risk that Belarus could be used as a staging ground to invade the Baltic states?<\/strong>
<\/strong> \u2014 In theory, yes \u2013 and many are afraid of that. But I don\u2019t think Putin will risk it, already having an open front in Ukraine. The Baltics are right to strengthen their borders \u2013 no one expected the invasion of Ukraine in 2022 either. But personally, I find that scenario unlikely for now.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2014 What is Lukashenko\u2019s level of support within Belarus?<\/strong>
<\/strong> \u2014 There are no independent polls in Belarus \u2013 it\u2019s simply impossible to conduct them. But we know there\u2019s an active partisan movement, independent media are still functioning, and information is passed \u201cthrough fifth hands.\u201d Everything we saw in 2020 \u2013 mass rallies, queues for alternative voting, strikes, protests even in small towns \u2013 shows that a significant part of society does not support this regime. Since 2020, Lukashenko has held power not through legitimacy, but through repression, propaganda, and Kremlin support. He has no real legitimacy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2014 How is Belarusian independent journalism functioning now?<\/strong>
<\/strong> \u2014 We\u2019re all in exile \u2013 Poland, Lithuania, other countries. Thirty-eight of our colleagues are behind bars, serving horrific sentences. Many have left the profession due to pressure and persecution. I myself spent 30 days in Okrestina prison, which is notorious for its brutal treatment of detainees, in a cell built for two, crammed with 16 women. We try to work for the internal audience. Many media projects lost up to 50% of their budgets after decisions by Donald Trump. In this context, it\u2019s vital to preserve the independent media sector in exile \u2013 it\u2019s an ecosystem and a lever of influence for those inside the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cBelarus\u2019s future depends on the outcome of the war in Ukraine\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n


<\/strong> \u2014 How do you see Belarus\u2019s future? Is a democratic transition possible if Lukashenko leaves?
<\/strong> \u2014 Today, it\u2019s impossible to talk about Belarus\u2019s future separate from events in Ukraine. Ukraine\u2019s victory is a key opportunity \u2013 not only for itself, but for Belarus and the entire region. Lukashenko\u2019s regime survives solely thanks to Kremlin support \u2013 financial, military, political. Without Putin, it wouldn\u2019t last. So the fall of the Russian regime could trigger change in Belarus too.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

International pressure must be maintained \u2013 especially through sanctions. This is one of the few peaceful tools that truly restricts the regime\u2019s resources and increases its isolation. I understand there are differing views \u2013 some think it\u2019s time to establish dialogue with Lukashenko to release political prisoners. But the problem is, he releases some and arrests others. The repression hasn\u2019t stopped. What we\u2019re fighting for is the complete cessation of repression, the release of all political prisoners, and democratic transformation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Interview by: Mariia Kutniakova<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Five years after the rigged presidential election in Belarus, which sparked nationwide protests against Alexander Lukashenka\u2019s regime, the country\u2019s pro-democracy movement remains alive \u2013 even if it has increasingly faded from international attention.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Austausch remains committed to the vision of a free, democratic, and European Belarus, and continues to support the Belarusian people in their struggle for human rights and democracy.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

We are deeply concerned by the German government\u2019s decision to suspend all humanitarian admission procedures as of end of July 2025 \u2013 including individual admission under Section 22(2) of the German Residence Act, which was specifically designed to provide protection for politically persecuted individuals from authoritarian regimes such as Belarus, Russia, Turkey, and from war-torn countries like Afghanistan, Syria, or Sudan.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

No new programmes are currently being initiated, and visas are not being issued. Even individuals who had already received an admission commitment under Section 22 but had not yet obtained a residence permit are now left without a clear path to safety. For many, a vital legal route to protection in Germany \u2013 outside the regular asylum system \u2013 has been effectively closed.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

We urge the German government to reconsider this decision. Politically persecuted pro-democracy activists urgently need safe and legal pathways. Supporting them in exile not only protects individual lives but also strengthens democratic values in Germany and across Europe.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0416\u044b\u0432\u0435 \u0411\u0435\u043b\u0430\u0440\u0443\u0441\u044c! (Long Live Belarus!)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

In August 2020, Belarus was swept by the largest protests in the country\u2019s history. Millions took to the streets to voice their anger over the rigged elections and decades of authoritarian rule by Alexander Lukashenko. Belarusian journalist Glafira Zhuk explains why 2020 became a turning point, how people protested, and what lies ahead for Belarus.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":16,"featured_media":9579,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"inline_featured_image":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1,300],"tags":[],"years":[327],"countries":[33],"topics":[107],"ppma_author":[325],"class_list":["post-9575","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-news-en","category-newsletter","years-327","countries-belarus","topics-conflict-mitigation"],"acf":[],"publishpress_future_action":{"enabled":false,"date":"2026-04-11 09:36:45","action":"change-status","newStatus":"draft","terms":[],"taxonomy":"category","extraData":[]},"publishpress_future_workflow_manual_trigger":{"enabledWorkflows":[]},"authors":[{"term_id":325,"user_id":16,"is_guest":0,"slug":"mkutnyakova","display_name":"Mariia Kutniakova","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/austausch.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/2025-11.png","url2x":"https:\/\/austausch.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/2025-11.png"},"0":null,"1":"","2":"","3":"","4":"","5":"","6":"","7":"","8":"","9":"","10":"","11":"","12":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/austausch.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9575","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/austausch.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/austausch.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/austausch.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/16"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/austausch.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=9575"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/austausch.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9575\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9596,"href":"https:\/\/austausch.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9575\/revisions\/9596"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/austausch.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9579"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/austausch.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=9575"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/austausch.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=9575"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/austausch.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=9575"},{"taxonomy":"years","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/austausch.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/years?post=9575"},{"taxonomy":"countries","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/austausch.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/countries?post=9575"},{"taxonomy":"topics","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/austausch.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/topics?post=9575"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/austausch.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=9575"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}